"Yes, I have a body, a physical manifestation upon this earth.
But it is the vessel of an intelligent mind and a strong spirit.
It is not for the beholder to leer at or to use in advertisements
to sell everything from beer to cars. Because of the superficiality
of the world in which we live, external appearances are so stressed
that the value of the individual counts for almost nothing.”
So states Sultana Yusuf Ali, a seventeen-year-old high school student,
in an article for the Toronto Star. The piece, titled “Why
Do I Wear a Hijab,” defends a practice that many Westerners
view as a medieval throwback. How does Sultana Yusuf Ali rebut this
charge? She couches her decision to don the hijab in terms of “female
empowerment” and anti-capitalist individualism. She evokes
the image of the sexual harasser when she states that no one will
“leer” at her. She rejects the capitalist marketing
of sex peddled by corporations. She denies the cult of beauty enforced
by a patriarchal society. Finally, she exults in her own individual
worth.
Whenever I hear Muslim women in America speak of wearing the hijab,
they justify the practice by asserting the right to dress and present
themselves however they desire. In other words, in a way that mollifies
the sexually egalitarian impulses of most Americans. And yet, note
this passage from the Koran:
“And say to the believing women that they should lower their
gaze and guard their modesty; that they should not display their
beauty and ornaments except what must ordinarily appear thereof;
that they should draw their veils over their bosoms and not display
their beauty except to their husbands, their fathers, their husbands'
fathers, their sons, their husbands' sons, their brothers, or their
brothers' sons or their sisters' sons….” (Quran 24:31).”
This is closer to the spirit of how wearing hijab has been justified
by Muslims in my experience. Raised within the Islamic community,
I have been privy to many opinions and statements not manufactured
for mainstream consumption, and American Muslims do not generally
express views informed by the rights of women. Rather, rationalizations
of their customs are rooted in non-Western premises. American Muslim
women may assert in public that the hijab liberates them, but the
practice comes from societies where women are viewed as property
by male relatives.
Familial honor is marred by the perception of the lack of chastity.
In crasser terms, promiscuity diminishes property value. The hijab
is a marker for chastity, ergo, it assures greater social standing.
I do not doubt that many of the girls who trumpet Islamo-feminist
positions believe their mantras. I have a friend who has gone through
the ordeal of wearing the hijab while simultaneously identifying
herself as a feminist. She spent two years justifying the juxtaposition
between her retrograde appearance and her progressive rhetoric before
giving up. No matter how these young women present themselves to
American society, they are shaped by a religion which in practice
is radically at variance with the values of the liberal democratic
West.
It is ironic that Sultana Yusuf Ali asserts her individuality by
expressing solidarity with one of the most communitarian cultural
traditions in the world. Muslims regularly argue against the license
that individualism has spawned in the West. Apologists for Islam
like journalist Geneive Abdo argue for sensitivity to the feelings
of the majority on issues such as blasphemy in nations where Muslims
are dominant. Even if it may conflict with Western notions of freedom
of conscience. Abdo states in The Washington Post in 2000, that
Muslims “…would seek an accommodation between Islam
and modernity, not a return to the Medieval Islamic period. They
would, however, insist that books and films that do not conform
to Islamic principles be banned. But this is in line with the wishes
of a majority of Egyptians.”
Muslim culture does not espouse the socially conservative but fiscally
libertarian fusionism of Frank Meyer. In fact, Islamic countries
normally are found near the bottom of the rankings in the Index
of Economic Freedom. Where it is a force in society, Islamism, politicized
Islam, is an oppressive ideology. It aims to restrain the individual
and tame the social organism within the bounds of shariah rather
than liberate one to make their own choices. It is only in the West
that Islamism must don the cloak of individualism to make a place
for itself. Liberated Muslim women must know that they are engaging
in sophistry when they stop to observe that societies where the
hijab is commonplace tend to exhibit a less than ideal level of
legal gender equity.
This sophistry is not limited to discussions of the hijab. The
following is from the web-site of the Council on American-Islamic
Relations (CAIR). It is an abstract of their 2002 “Status
of Muslim Civil Rights in the United States”:
“The report, the only national study of its kind, details
incidents and experiences of anti-Muslim violence, stereotyping,
discrimination, and harassment during the past year. It also outlines
the Islamophobic backlash that occurred following the September
11 terrorist attacks and examines the impact anti-terrorism policies
prompted by the attacks have had on American Muslim civil liberties.”
Note the keywords, “stereotyping,” “discrimination,”
“harassment,” and “civil liberties.” Who
could favor the former and reject the latter? Feminist Audre Lorde
once wrote an essay titled “The Master's Tools Will Never
Dismantle the Master's House,” but it seems that Muslims in
America are in fact chipping away at the foundations of the house
with the tools that built it. Liberalism is being flipped around
and used as a wedge into Western culture. Giving breathing room
to a religious ideology that is shaped by the norms of 18th century
Arabia rather than 21st century America can only eviscerate a liberal
democratic society.
There are some facts about the American Muslim community which
make this congruence of peculiarities, liberal rhetoric in the service
of medievalism, more understandable. American Muslims are predominantly
immigrants, not black converts, and disproportionately educated
professionals. One survey by CAIR found that 70% of American Muslims
have at least a college education. They are engineers, doctors and
professors, and you will not find them burning the books of the
unbelievers like the mill workers in Bradford. Fleeing lack of economic
opportunity in their own nations, Muslim immigrants come to America
seeking a better life, as my own father did.
And yet with them they bring their own folkways and traditions
that clash with a culture which has two basic premises that are
paradoxically alien to them: individual pursuit of liberty and happiness.
Though economically successful because of the freedoms of Western
society, they fear the destabilizing effect of American culture
on their children. Unlike the immigrant generation, American-born
Muslims have not been given the boon of a childhood in the constrictive
and socially asphyxiating norms of Islam. These children often synthesize
both cultures, Muslim and Western. They use the slogans of American
political discourse, liberty, freedom and personal fulfillment,
to justify practices like the hijab whose origins are rooted in
the opposite principle: submission.
The hijab is a symbolic expression of this synthesis between assertion
and submission. Though Muslims complain that Westerners focus too
much on the hijab and its more severe sister, the burqua, symbols
have power. Wearing a hijab is not just a personal statement, it
is a group statement, setting oneself off from others and identifying
with a community that adheres to a certain standard of dress and
is visibly marked off from the rest of the citizenry. It veils not
only the body but also part of the soul, obscuring mannerisms behind
a shapeless shift and removing some of the character from a face
that should naturally be framed by hair. While young women like
Sultana Yusuf Ali interpret the hijab as an individualistic statement,
general Western society can not help but feel that those who don
it become amorphous and undefined, losing some of the very traits
that allow us to discern the individual from a group.
Western feminists have traditionally attempted to change society
to accommodate their conception of female autonomy, Muslim feminists
seem prone to taking the opposite tack, redefining female autonomy
to conform to Islamic notions of a good society. Like a canary in
a coal-mine we must not view the hijab alone outside the context
of the culture from which in emerges, it is an indicator of the
values that Muslim culture holds dear. It cordons off elements of
a woman from the public and diminishes the involuntary give and
take, the open trust, that characterizes the more free-form mixed-gender
relationships that are the norm in the West.
Taken by itself, the hijab is not an issue that should concern
us, but as a symptom of a greater social ailment, it should must
be examined in a more critical light. We humans are prone to believing
that how we present ourselves is a reflection of who we are within,
but far too often the process can be reversed. Can one generation
of young college educated Muslims transform 1,400 years of tradition,
injecting a Lockean sense of individual worth and self-determination
into the faith? If they remain willfully blind to the medieval origins
and intentions of practices they justify with Enlightenment platitudes
I am skeptical that they will truly change Islam.
Rather, Islam may eventually change them.